Delay

Happy New Year,

I am sorry to note that the review is slightly postponed, owing to my procrastination and the tight schedule in the first half of this month. Don't worry, I promise to be right back on the 17th to complete the review.

Projwal.

In Review: The Arab Spring

THE OPENING MONOLOGUE OF A SMUG COMMENTATOR
2011 has been known as the year when the post-Cold War, globalized and technological world, whose distinct hallmark (as certain commentators like the recanting Fukuyama) was political apathy and prudence, exhibited acts that expressed a desire to end the present status quo, which in the case of the Middle East, was marked by rebellion against authoritarian regimes (which commentators again said was a distinct hallmark of the Middle East and thereby a distinct characteristic in the great Occidental discourse on Orientalism, a way of justifying cultural hegemony through the rule of difference).

This rebellion ranged from peaceful protests on the streets of the capitals like Tunis, Cairo, Manama to rebellious civil war in Libya. In the end, some of the authoritarians were deposed (exiled from Tunisia, imprisoned in Egypt, and simply executed in Libya) while others are hanging on, though with their dear lives (which is literal in the case of Yemen). This great phenomenon, whose greatness, like in many others, was because it always proved the cocksure pundit wrong, inspired others, disgusted by the outcomes of adhering to a status quo, whose continuance they found to be toxic, to express their rejection from riots in London, to Occupy Movements in the USA, and anti-Putin protests in Moscow.

This phenomenon would be known as the Arab Spring (for it started in spring, though it is still going on, even though the year is coming to an end). One would wonder, after being informed about these events, why did these things happen? Some would believe that this is in metaphorical terms, democracy's assault on the great bastion of authoritarianism. Well, I would like to clarify people's doubts and beliefs with regard to this Arab Spring. What I shall write is off course not gospel (who would believe a bored and jobless blogger like me, who is not an authority on anything). But to the best of my knowledge, which while limited is yet not deluded, shall comment on this great event, that though has not ended, yet has defined this year.

This is the opening, and since this commentator would want urgency, he has decided to publish this in advance. If this doesn't attract any views well.... who cares he shall write (please note that this person is referring to himself in third person, though I have used 'I', {which is obviously the first person}, wastes too much time digressing, and has called himself smug.. this person sounds arrogant or narcissist or plainly deluded, which I could be and please forgive me for the bad grammar, for I am not from an ICSE background). [The writer did not comment intentionally, owing to the dubiousness of this person].

Lord Justice and Elitist Dialectics Two

(At a cafe in a land called the Snakepit)

(One person, called the Elitist, is seated on a bench drinking coffee. Another, known as the Lord Justice, is just leaving the place with Pepsi, when he is hailed by the Elitist for a chat. The Lord Justice, breathing a sigh of resignation, walks to the Elitist like a convict who has just accepted the reality of his life imprisonment. He stands there, awaiting the "discourse" that shall flow out of the mind of this superficialist. After a few minutes of, as usually expressed by the Elitist,"slow but subtly cherished" sips that empty the glass, the Elitist asks a question, which he knows, is Socratic in nature)

Elitist: Do you have any inclination towards attending a gathering that is social in nature which involves a significant amount of rhythmic limb movement and rhythmic vibrations of certain artificial and electronic devices which induce such rhythmic limb movement ,and such an event involves a certain degree of human interaction, usually between the opposite gender, whose officially innocent purpose is to invoke innocent yet childish courtship between the two or more people so as to ensure a good social and personal life, but the purpose is actually misinterpreted as a way of ensuring that such an interaction results in a certain kind of one way intercourse between the physical organic composites of the homo sapiens?

Lord Justice:(Gawking for a few minutes before responding)....Did you mean whether I am attending the Music and Dance ball or not?

Elitist: Yes, as your limited mental faculties were able to make out from that query, I asked you whether you were attending the Dance ball, also known as Snakepit Social, that is being held this week by our unimaginative and bourgeois colleagues who lack the appreciation for fine subtleties in life?

Lord Justice: Nah, I have better things to do in life apart from going to another chaotic party with loud music and highly irritating persons who are trying to show off.

Elitist: What else is better than the mundane purpose socializing with people, usually of the opposite gender, for the purpose of honing in on your social and courtship skills, as far as you are concerned, considering your zealous and unconscious pursuit for moribund things?

Lord Justice: Well (giving a look that spoofs Rodin's Thinker),how about me wringing your neck with my bare hands right now!

Elitist: I thought going to Taj Residency for the Special Cocktail Night was better. Did you know that Bloody Mary's are being sold at Rs. 600 instead of the usual Rs. 900?

Lord Justice: Well, I was not aware of that , but I can tell you one thing and that is you will have something bloody on your breathing apparatus.

Elitist: Pardon me, but what did you just say?

Lord Justice: (Punches Elitist on the nose and blood appears to flow out ) That's a practical display of what I said. Does that satisfy you?

Elitist:(Mumbles with hands on the nose) Gnes!

The Many Meanings of IPL

IPL- Indian Philistine League/Institute for Philistine Louts/Insane Philistine Louts/Insane Philistine League/Indo-Pakistan Looting/Initially Philanthropic Losers/ Institutionalized Political Looting/Institutionalized Populist Looting/Indian Premier Losers/Indian Philosophical Losers/Insane Political League/Insane Populist Louts/Insane Populist Losers/Institutionalized Photographic Larceny/Institutionalized Papparazi Larceny/ Inadequate Public Licence/Indirect Public Looting/Institutionalized Public Looting/Institutionalized Public Losses/Institute for Public Looting/Institute for Political Larceny/Insanely Practical Looter/Institutionalized Public Loitering/Irritatingly Populist Losers/Irritatingly Populist League........and many more.

Elitist and Lord Justice Dialectics

(Elitist enters the room to find the Lord Justice putting on highly formal clothing)

Elitist- Why so dressed up?
Lord Justice- I am attending an important party. Do you think I should wear black shoes for it?
Elitist- Who are attending?
Lord Justice- Professors and academicians the Harvard University.
Elitist- Why bother about wearing shoes? You can wear anything, even chappals.
Lord Justice- What! Why are you saying that?
Elitist- Because they are Dharwad university guys! They are under paid, sloppy, moffusil socialists who don't believe in formality!

(Based on true events in an area full of snake pits)

A response to Mr. Selassie's second comment

Yes there is a stubborn collective blindness on the part of "civil society" (What is this civil society? Are you referring to the middle classes who live in urban areas, who have abdicated their role in the governance of a nation, who don’t care about the issues of development and instead are bothered about their own selfish petty interests, who prefer to live in gated communities, in their own little worlds of ignorance, who would be bothered about human rights only if it affects themselves? The same people who only cared too much about 26/11 (and no other act of terrorism before that) because they attacked 5 star hotels, and even then, abstained from the General elections, because they do not believe in the vote? The same group of people who do not believe in reforming the state, because they don’t care about the state as they are currently deceiving themselves into believing that they can live without it? Or the elites, many among of whom, benefit from the corruption of the state and who are the ones responsible for exploiting the tribals? Or are you referring to the non-tribal and not upper class masses who have even more horrible problems and petty self-interest s to even care about the tribals? Is it the same civil society which needs some great jolt like the Emergency and 26/11 get out of its slumber). But how do you think this "civil society" will be inspired to take action, without this crisis reaching the point of an existential threat, to the very "fabric of the state and society". Please tell me for even I do not know, as I am not an authority on this matter.

I am sorry for using the phrase- threat to national security. It should have been an existential threat to the nation, which will multiply as these so-called revolutionaries soon take up the causes of many other marginalized groups(neglected by politicians and "civil society") and then later overthrow the present state, for a draconian and totalitarian regime, based on flawed principles that have caused misery to millions, which has been abandoned by the so-called practitioners themselves. And what is the guarantee that that regime will be better than the this one? It may become corrupt in the true sense and it will be even more repressive than this one.
But why should we worry? Even if the "civil society" does nothing and the state does not reform itself, it would still take years for these so-called revolutionaries to take over. But in the process about a mass of people would have been slaughtered, rendered homeless and leading an existence worse than damnation (and it will not matter whose side they were, they will be just mute people who are neutral to ideology, who are too marginalized to do anything).

I am really sorry for saying "national security", but I am just a student, who isn't an authority on this matter. I have just given an opinion on this.

A Debt of Gratitude

To whom do I owe a debt of gratitude for inspiring me to write and publish my ideas? Well, I would say many! So many that it would take me days to find out all their names.
There are many people (not only authors, but many other ordinary individuals) who are my creditors on this account. Therefore I shall mention those who have inspired me to write.

Where shall I start? Well let me start with Shashi Tharoor, who had started his literary career by writing interesting short stories in the now inactive Junior Statesman , to the great nineteenth century authors like Dickens (who wrote about the trials and tribulations of the Victorian era), Fyodor Dostoyevsky (for his psychological and spiritual works like Crime & Punishment and the Brothers Karamazov) Guy de Maupassant and O. Henry for their short stories with such twisted climaxes.

But I also owe a great deal to the innumerable number of Indian authors, whose names are either known or unknown yet who have shown that Indians are very great with words and are not just great speakers, starting with Ved Vyasa, who compiled and composed the great Indian epic, the Mahabharata (consisting of 24,000 verses, which itself was a challenging task of epic proportions) Valmiki, the author of another great yet misinterpreted and misused epic, the Ramayana (which also consists of around 20,000 verses), Bhasa & Kalidas the great Indian playwrights who match Shakespeare in content their great works being Urubhangam,Abhishekanatakam,Pratimanatakam (by Bhasa, which were considered to be parallel literature in those ancient days because they looked at the epics from a different perspective)Abhignyanashakuntalam, Meghadootam,Raghuvansham,Kumarasambahvam(by the world reknowned poet Kalidas, who wrote with such an imagination, that to think he was originally a simple cowherd would be considered to be an insult for Sanskrit scholars).Then the prose writer Banabhatta, known in the much forgotten NCERT textbooks as the author Harshacharita (the autobiography of Emperor Harsha,not Bhogale, a great playwright himself).

Then our famous Mughal Emperors like Babur, Humayun and Akbar( although he was illiterate but just wait) who produced their wonderful autobiograghies Baburnamma,Humayaunnamma and Ain-i-Akbari (officially ghost-written by Abdul Fazl whom the history textbooks, not the history student, have gladly remembered). Then the Parrot of India Amir Khusrau (search in the Class X History textbook published before and after the NDA government by the NCERT) and Mirza Ghalib, whom the common man believes that he had an autobiography about his drunken escapades.

Then our renaissance writers like Rabindranath Tagore, Bankim and Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay, Premchand who showed that we are not " oriental mystics" who only concentrated on the metaphysical world but as realists who, like other European authors such as Dickens, Maupassant and Dostoyevsky, drew inspiration from the real world for their content.And finally to our post-colonial figures like the much mired Salman Rushdie, the already mentioned yet the last surviving anti-Congress Congresswallah Shashi Tharoor, the rising star Amitav Ghosh, the satirical Chetan Bhagat (I think he is), the great columnist and newly published and mytho fanatic Debadutta Patnaik( please forgive me for fanatic, as I am short on adjectives) and phew, last but I believe he is not the least, Vikram Seth (and many many many others but that's it for Indian authors who are very talented.

My creditors also include academicians, especially my uncle Prof. Arjendu Pattanayak who has his own excellent Internet journal (blogs are a misnomer, which I shall explain why sooner or later), and my teachers at Law School who maintain such excellent blogs that students must read and comment on them, otherwise their intellect will lack basic nutrition ( forgive the last phrase as I am addicted to adornment like many of our Indian authors).Then they also include famous newspaper columnists like Paul Krugman, Thomas L. Friedman of the New York Times (who have become published authors themselves), the various columnsits of the Hindu like Bhadrakumar, Sainath and Hassan Suroor, and the Economic Times acerbic editor Swami Anklesar Aiyar.

So, we have ended the article, but not the list. There are many, many authors of the Christmas past, present and future, but I cannot mention them (especially those of the future) as I lack the time, space and word limit for writing them. So, let me try to fulfill my debts by writing my ideas and opinions on this journal( which might take a lifetime, but it will be exciting for me, and hopefully, my readers).

Please read the Case of the Speluncean explorers first, then A judgement

I'd really love some comments.

The Case of the Speluncean Explorers

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HARVARD LAW REVIEW
THE CASE OF THE SPELUNCEAN EXPLORERS
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF NEWGARTH, 4300


The defendants, having been indicted for the crime of murder,
were convicted and sentenced to be hanged by the Court
of General Instances of the County of Stowfield. They bring a
petition of error before this Court. The facts sufficiently appear
in the opinion of the Chief Justice.
TRUEPENNY, C. J. The four defendants are members of the
Speluncean Society, an organization of amateurs interested in the
exploration of caves. Early in May of 4299 they, in the company
of Roger Whetmore, then also a member of the Society, penetrated
into the interior of a limestone cavern of the type found in
the Central Plateau of this Commonwealth. While they were in
a position remote from the entrance to the cave, a landslide
occurred. Heavy boulders fell in such a manner as to block
completely the only known opening to the cave. When the men
discovered their predicament they settled themselves near the
obstructed entrance to wait until a rescue party should remove
the detritus that prevented them from leaving their underground
prison. On the failure of Whetmore and the defendants to return
to their homes, the Secretary of the Society was notified by their
families. It appears that the explorers had left indications at the
headquarters of the Society concerning the location of the cave
they proposed to visit. A rescue party was promptly dispatched
to the spot.
The task of rescue proved one of overwhelming difficulty. It
was necessary to supplement the forces of the original party by
repeated increments of men and machines, which had to be conveyed
at great expense to the remote and isolated region in which
the cave was located. A huge temporary camp of workmen, engineers,
geologists, and other experts was established. The work
of removing the obstruction was several times frustrated by fresh
landslides. In one of these, ten of the workmen engaged in clearing
the entrance were killed. The treasury of the Speluncean
Society was soon exhausted in the rescue effort, and the sum of
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THE SPELUNCEAN EXPLORERS
eight hundred thousand frelars, raised partly by popular subscription
and partly by legislative grant, was expended before the
imprisoned men were rescued. Success was finally achieved on
the thirty-second day after the men entered the cave.
Since it was known that the explorers had carried with them
only scant provisionsi and since it was also known that there was
no animal or vegetable matter within the cave on which they
might subsist, anxiety was early felt that they might meet death
by starvation before access to them could be obtained. On the
twentieth day of their imprisonment it was learned for the first
time that they had taken with them into the cave a portable wireless
machine capable of both sending and receiving messages. A
similar machine was promptly installed in the rescue camp and
oral communication established with the unfortunate men within
the mountain. They asked to be informed how long a time would
be required to release them. The engineers in charge of the project
answered that at least ten days would be required even if no
new landslides occurred. The explorers then asked if any physicians
were present, and were placed in communication with a
committee of medical experts. The imprisoned men described their
condition and the rations they had taken with them, and asked
for a medical opinion whether they would be likely to live without
food for ten days longer. The chairman of the committee of
physicians told them that there was little possibility of this. The
wireless machine within the cave then remained silent for eight
hours. When communication was re-established the men asked
to speak again with the physicians. The chairman of the physicians'
committee was placed before the apparatus, and Whetmore,
speaking on behalf of himself and the defendants, asked whether
they would be able to survive for ten days longer if they consumed
the flesh of one of their number. The physicians' chairman reluctantly
answered this question in the affirmative. Whetmore
asked whether it would be advisable for them to cast lots to
determine which of them should be eaten. None of the physicians
present was willing to answer the question. Whetmore then asked
if there were among the party a judge or other official of the
government who would answer this question. None of those attached
to the rescue camp was willing to assume the role of
advisor in this matter. He then asked if any minister or priest
would answer their question, and none was found who would do
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HARVARD LAW REVIEW
so. Thereafter no further messages were received from within the
cave, and it was assumed (erroneously, it later appeared) that the
electric batteries of the explorers' wireless machine had become
exhausted. When the imprisoned men were finally released it was
learned that on the twenty-third day after their entrance into the
cave Whetmore had been killed and eaten by his companions.
From the testimony of the defendants, which was accepted by
the jury, it appears that it was Whetmore who first proposed that
they might find the nutriment without which survival was impossible
in the flesh of one of their own number. It was also
Whetmore who first proposed the use of some method of casting
lots, calling the attention of the defendants to a pair of dice he
happened to have with him. The defendants were at first reluctant
to adopt so desperate a procedure, but after the conversations
by wireless related above, they finally agreed on the plan
proposed by Whetmore. After much discussion of the mathematical
problems involved, agreement was finally reached on a
method of determining the issue by the use of the dice.
Before the dice were cast, however, Whetmore declared that
he withdrew from the arrangement, as he had decided on reflection
to wait for another week before embracing an expedient so frightful
and odious. The others charged him with a breach of faith
and proceeded to cast the dice. When it came Whetmore's turn,
the dice were cast for him by one of the defendants, and he was
asked to declare any objections he might have to the fairness of
the throw. He stated that he had no such objections. The throw
went against him, and he was then put to death and eaten by his
companions.
After the rescue of the defendants, and after they had completed
a stay in a hospital where they underwent a course of
treatment for malnutrition and shock, they were indicted for the
murder of Roger Whetmore. At the trial, after the testimony had
been concluded, the foreman of the jury (a lawyer by profession)
inquired of the court whether the jury might not find a special
verdict, leaving it to the court to say whether on the facts as
found the defendants were guilty. After some discussion, both
the Prosecutor and counsel for the defendants indicated their
acceptance of this procedure, and it was adopted by the court.
In a lengthy special verdict the jury found the facts as I have
related them above, and found further that if on these facts the
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THE SPELUNCEAN EXPLORERS
defendants were guilty of the crime charged against them, then
they found the defendants guilty. On the basis of this verdict,
the trial judge ruled that the defendants were guilty of murdering
Roger Whetmore. The judge then sentenced them to be hanged,
the law of our Commonwealth permitting him no discretion with
respect to the penalty to be imposed. After the release of the
jury, its members joined in a communication to the Chief Executive
asking that the sentence be commuted to an imprisonment of
six months. The trial judge addressed a similar communication
to the Chief Executive. As yet no action with respect to these
pleas has been taken, as the'Chief Executive is apparently awaiting
our disposition of this petition of error.
It seems to me that in dealing with this extraordinary case the
jury and the trial judge followed a course that was not only fair
and wise, but the only course that was open to them under the
law. The language of our statute is well known: "Whoever shall
willfully take the life of another shall be punished by death."
N. C. S. A. (N. s.) § 12-A. This statute permits of no exception
applicable to this case, however our sympathies may incline us to
make allowance for the tragic situation in which these men found
themselves.
In a case like this the principle of executive clemency seems
admirably suited to mitigate the rigors of the law, and I propose
to my colleagues that we follow the example of the jury and the
trial judge by joining in the communications they have addressed
to the Chief Executive. There is every reason to believe that
these requests for clemency will be heeded, coming as they do
from those who have studied the case and had an opportunity to
become thoroughly acquainted with all its circumstances. It is
highly improbable that the Chief Executive would deny these
requests unless he were himself to hold hearings at least as extensive
as those involved in the trial below, which lasted for
three months. The holding of such hearings (which would virtually
amount to a retrial of the case) would scarcely be compatible
with the function of the Executive as it is usually conceived.
I think we may therefore assume that some form of
clemency will be extended to these defendants. If this is done,
then justice will be accomplished without impairing either the
letter or spirit of our statutes and without offering any encouragement
for the disregard of law.
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HARVARD LAW REVIEW
FOSTER, J. I am shocked that the Chief Justice, in an effort to
escape the embarrassments of this tragic case, should have
adopted, and should have proposed to his colleagues, an expedient
at once so sordid and so obvious. I believe something
more is on trial in this case than the fate of these unfortunate
explorers; that is the law of our Commonwealth. If this Court
declares that under our law these men have committed a crime,
then our law is itself convicted in the tribunal of common sense,
no matter what happens to the individuals involved in this petition
of error. For us to assert that the law we uphold and expound
compels us to a conclusion we are ashamed of, and from
which we can only escape by appealing to a dispensation resting
within the personal whim of the Executive, seems to me to
amount to an admission that the law of this Commonwealth no
longer pretends to incorporate justice.
For myself, I do not believe that our law compels the monstrous
conclusion that these men are murderers. I believe, on
the contrary, that it declares them to be innocent of any crime.
I rest this conclusion on two independent grounds, either of which
is of itself sufficient to justify the acquittal of these defendants.
The first of these grounds rests on a premise that may arouse
opposition until it has been examined candidly. I take the view
that the enacted or positive law of this Commonwealth, including
all of its statutes and precedents, is inapplicable to this case, and
that the case is governed instead by what ancient writers in
Europe and America called "the law of nature."
This conclusion rests on the proposition that our positive law
is predicated on the possibility of men's coexistence in society.
When a situation arises in which the coexistence of men becomes
impossible, then a condition that underlies all of our precedents
and statutes has ceased to exist. When that condition disappears,
then it is my opinion that the force of our positive law disappears
with it. We are not accustomed to applying the maxim cessante
ratione legis, cessat et ipsa lex to the whole of our enacted law,
but I believe that this is a case where the maxim should be so
applied.
The proposition that all positive law is based on the possibility
of men's coexistence has a strange sound, not because the
truth it contains is strange, but simply because it is a truth so
obvious and pervasive that we seldom have occasion to give
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THE SPELUNCEAN EXPLORERS
words to it. Like the air we breathe, it so pervades our environment
that we forget that it exists until we are suddenly deprived
of it. Whatever particular objects may be sought by the various
branches of our law, it is apparent on reflection that all of them
are directed toward facilitating and improving men's coexistence
and regulating with fairness and equity the relations of their life
in common. When the assumption that men may live together
loses its truth, as it obviously did in this extraordinary situation
where life only became possible by the taking of life, then the
basic premises underlying our whole legal order have lost their
meaning and force.
Had the tragic events of this case taken place a mile beyond
the territorial limits of our Commonwealth, no one would pretend
that our law was applicable to them. We recognize that jurisdiction
rests on a territorial basis. The grounds of this principle
are by no means obvious and are seldom examined. I take it that
this principle is supported by an assumption that it is feasible
to impose a single legal order upon a group of men only if they live
together within the confines of a given area of the earth's surface.
Th; premise that men shall coexist in a group underlies,
then, the territorial principle, as it does all of law. Now I contend
that a case may be removed morally from the force of a legal
order, as well as geographically. If we look to the purposes of
law and government, and to the premises underlying our positive
law, these men when they made their fateful decision were as remote
from our legal order as if they had been a thousand miles
beyond our boundaries. Even in a physical sense, their underground
prison was separated from our courts and writ-servers by
a solid curtain of rock that could be removed only after the most
extraordinary expenditures of time and effort.
I conclude, therefore, that at the time Roger Whetmore's life
was ended by these defendants, they were, to use the quaint
language of nineteenth-century writers, not in a "state of civil
society" but in a "state of nature." This has the consequence
that the law applicable to them is not the enacted and established
law of this Commonwealth, but the law derived from those principles
that were appropriate to their condition. I have no hesitancy
in saying that under those principles they were guiltless of
any crime.
What these men did was done in pursuance of an agreement
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HARVARD LAW REVIEW
accepted by all of them and first proposed by Whetmore himself.
Since it was apparent that their extraordinary predicament made
inapplicable the usual principles that regulate men's relations
with one another, it was necessary for them to draw, as it were,
a new charter of government appropriate to the situation in which
they found themselves.
It has from antiquity been recognized that the most basic principle
of law or government is to be found in the notion of contract
or agreement. Ancient thinkers, especially during the period from
i6oo to i9oo, used to base government itself on a supposed original
social compact. Skeptics pointed out that this theory contradicted
the known facts of history, and that there was no scientific
evidence to support the notion that any government was ever
founded in the manner supposed by the theory. Moralists replied
that, if the compact was a fiction from a historical point of view,
the notion of compact or agreement furnished the only ethical
justification on which the powers of government, which include
that of taking life, could be rested. The powers of government
can only be justified morally on the ground that these are powers
that reasonable men would agree upon and accept if fhey were
faced with the necessity of constructing anew some order to make
their life in common possible. -
Fortunately, our Commonwealth is not bothered by the perplexities
that beset the ancients. We know as a matter of historical
truth that our government was founded upon a contract
or free accord of men. The archeological proof is conclusive that
in the first period following the Great Spiral the survivors of that
holocaust voluntarily came together and drew up a charter of
government. Sophistical writers have raised questions as to the
power of those remote contractors to bind future generations, but
the fact remains that our government traces itself back in an
unbroken line to that original charter.
If, therefore, our hangmen have the power to end men's lives,
if our sheriffs have the power to put delinquent tenants in the
street, if our police have the power to incarcerate the inebriated
reveler, these powers find their moral justification in that original
compact of our forefathers. If we can find no higher source for
our legal order, what higher source should we expect these starving
unfortunates to find for the order they adopted for themselves?
I believe that the line of argument I have just expounded per-
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THE SPELUNCEAN EXPLORERS
mits of no rational answer. I realize that it will probably be
received with a certain discomfort by many who read this opinion,
who will be inclined to suspect that some hidden sophistry must
underlie a demonstration that leads to so many unfamiliar conclusions.
The source of this discomfort is, however, easy to identify.
The usual conditions of human existence incline us to think
of human life as an absolute value, not to be sacrificed under any
circumstances. There is much that is fictitious about this conception
even when it is applied to the ordinary relations of society.
We have an illustration of this truth in the very case before us.
Ten workmen were killed in the process of removing the rocks
from the opening to the cave. Did not the engineers and government
officials who directed the rescue effort know that the operations
they were undertaking were dangerous and involved a serious
risk to the lives of the workmen executing them? If it was proper
that these ten lives should be sacrificed to save the lives of five
imprisoned explorers, why then are we told it was wrong for these
explorers to carry out an arrangement which would save four
lives at the cost of one?
Every highway, every tunnel, every building we project involves
a risk to human life. Taking these projects in the aggregate,
we can calculate with some precision how many deaths the
construction of them will require; statisticians can tell you the
average cost in human lives of a thousand miles of a four-lane
concrete highway. Yet we deliberately and knowingly incur and
pay this cost on the assumption that the values obtained for those
who survive outweigh the loss. If these things can be said of a
society functioning above ground in a normal and ordinary manner,
what shall we say of the supposed absolute value of a human
life in the desperate situation in which these defendants and their
companion Whetmore found themselves?
This concludes the exposition of the first ground of my decision.
My second ground proceeds by rejecting hypothetically all
the premises on which I have so far proceeded. I concede for
purposes of argument that I am wrong in saying that the situation
of these men removed them from the effect of our positive law,
and I assume that the Consolidated Statutes have the power to
penetrate five hundred feet of rock and to impose themselves upon
these starving men huddled in their underground prison.
Now it is, of course, perfectly clear that these men did an
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act that violates the literal wording of the statute which declares
that he who "shall willfully take the life of another" is a murderer.
But one of the most ancient bits of legal wisdom is the saying that
a man may break the letter of the law without breaking the law
itself. Every proposition of positive law, whether contained in a
statute or a judicial precedent, is to be interpreted reasonably,
in the light of its evident purpose. This is a truth so elementary
that it is hardly necessary to expatiate on it. Illustrations of its
application are numberless and are to be found in every branch
of the law. In Commonwealth v. Staymore the defendant was convicted
under a statute making it a crime to leave one's car parked
ifi certain areas for a period longer than two hours. The defendant
had attempted to remove his car, but was prevented from
doing so because the streets were obstructed by a political demonstration
in which he took no part and which he had no reason
to anticipate. His conviction was set aside by this Court, although
his case fell squarely within the wording of the statute.
Again, in Fehler v. Neegas there was before this Court for construction
a statute in which the word "not" had plainly been
transposed from its intended position in the final and most crucial
section of the act. This transposition was contained in all the
successive drafts of the act, where it was apparently overlooked
by the draftsmen and sponsors of the legislation. No one was
able to prove how the error came about, yet it was apparent that,
taking account of the contents of the statute as a whole, an error
had been made, aince a literal reading of the final clause rendered
it inconsistent with everything that had gone before and
with the object of the enactment as stated in its preamble. This
Court refused to accept a literal interpretation of the statute,
and in effect rectified its language by reading the word "not" into
the place where it was evidently intended to go.
The statute before us for interpretation has never been applied
literally. Centuries ago it was established that a killing in selfdefense
is excused. There is nothing in the wording of the statute
that suggests this exception. Various attempts have been made to
reconcile the legal treatment of self-defense with the words of the
statute, but in my opinion these are all merely ingenious sophistries.
The truth is that the exception in favor of self-defense
cannot be reconciled with the words of the statute, but only with
its purpose.
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The true reconciliation of the excuse of self-defense with the
statute making it a crime to kill another is to be found in the
following line of reasoning. One of the principal objects underlying
any criminal legislation is that of deterring men from crime.
Now it is apparent that if it were declared to be the law that a
killing in self-defense is murder such a rule could not operate in
a deterrent manner. A man whose life is threatened will repel
his aggressor, whatever the law may say. Looking therefore to
the broad purposes of criminal legislation, we may safely declare
that this statute was not intended to apply to cases of self-defense.
When the rationale of the excuse of self-defense is thus explained,
it becomes apparent that precisely the same reasoning is
applicable to the case at bar. If in the future any group of men
ever find themselves in the tragic predicament of these defendants,
we may be sure that their decision whether to live or die will not
be controlled by the contents of our criminal code. Accordingly,
if we read this statute intelligently it is apparent that it does not
apply to this case. The withdrawal of this situation from the
effect of the statute is justified by precisely the same considerations
that were applied by our predecessors in office centuries ago
to the case of self-defense.
There are those who raise the cry of judicial usurpation whenever
a court, after analyzing the purpose of a statute, gives to
its words a meaning that is not at once apparent to the casual
reader who has not studied the statute closely or examined the
objectives it seeks to attain. Let me say emphatically that I
accept without reservation the proposition that this Court is
bound by the statutes of our Commonwealth and that it exercises
its powers in subservience to the duly expressed will of the
Chamber of Representatives. The line of reasoning I have applied
above raises no question of fidelity to enacted law, though it may
possibly raise a question of the distinction between intelligent
and unintelligent fidelity. No superior wants a servant who lacks
the capacity to read between the lines. The stupidest housemaid
knows that when she is told "to peel the soup and skim the potatoes"
her mistress does not mean what she says. She also knows
that when her master tells her to "drop everything and come
running" he has overlooked the possibility that she is at the
moment in the act of rescuing the baby from the rain barrel.
Surely we have a right to expect the same modicum of intelligence
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from the judiciary. The correction of obvious legislative erkors
or oversights is not to supplant the legislative will, but to make
that will effective.
I therefore conclude that on any aspect under which this case
may be viewed these defendants are innocent of the crime of
murdering Roger Whetmore, and that the conviction should be
set aside.
TATTING, J. In the discharge of my duties as a justice of this
Court, I am usually able to dissociate the emotional and intellectual
sides of my reactions, and to decide the case before me entirely
on the basis of the latter. In passing on this tragic case I
find that my usual resources fail me. On the emotional side I
find myself torn between sympathy for these men and a feeling
of abhorrence and disgust at the monstrous act they committed.
I had hoped that I would be able to put these contradictory
emotions to one side as irrelevant, and to decide the case on the
basis of a convincing and logical demonstration of the result demanded
by our law. Unfortunately, this deliverance has not been
vouchsafed me.
As I analyze the opinion just rendered by my brother Foster,
I find that it is shot through with contradictions and fallacies.
Let us begin with his first proposition: these men were not subject
to our law because they were not in a "state of civil society"
but in a "state of nature." I am not clear why this is so, whether
it is because of the thickness of the rock that imprisoned them,
or because they were hungry, or because they had set up a "new
charter of government" by which the usual rules of law were to
be supplanted by a throw of the dice. Other difficulties intrude
themselves. If these men passed from the jurisdiction of our law
to that of "the law of nature," at what moment did this occur?
Was it when the entrance to the cave was blocked, or when the
threat of starvation reached a certain undefined degree of intensity,
or when the agreement for the throwing of the dice was
made? These uncertainties in the doctrine proposed by my brother
are capable of producing real difficulties. Suppose, for example,
one of these men had had his twenty-first birthday while he was
imprisoned within the mountain. On what date would we have
to consider that he had attained his majority -when he reached
the age of twenty-one, at which time he was, by hypothesis, removed
from the effects of our law, or only when he was released
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from the cave and became again subject to what my brother calls
our "positive law"? These difficulties may seem fanciful, yet they
only serve to reveal the fanciful nature of the doctrine that is
capable of giving rise to them.
But it is not necessary to explore these niceties further to
demonstrate the absurdity of my brother's position. Mr. Justice
Foster and I are the appointed judges of a court of the Commonwealth
of Newgarth, sworn and empowered to administer the
laws of that Commonwealth. By what authority do we resolve
ourselves into a Court of Nature? If these men were indeed
under the law of nature, whence comes our authority to expound
and apply that law? Certainly we are not in a state of nature.
Let us look at the contents of this code of nature that my
brother proposes we adopt as our own and apply to this case.
What a topsy-turvy and odious code it is! It is a code in which
the law of contracts is more fundamental than the law of murder.
It is a code under which a man may make a valid agreement empowering
his fellows to eat his own body. Under the provisions of
this code, furthermore, such an agreement once made is irrevocable,
and if one of the parties attempts to withdraw, the others
may take the law into their own hands and enforce the contract
by violence - for though my brother passes over in convenient
silence the effect of Whetmore's withdrawal, this is the necessary
implication of his argument.
The principles my brother expoufds contain other implications
that cannot be tolerated. He argues that when the defendants set
upon Whetmore and killed him (we know not how, perhaps by
pounding him with stones) they were only exercising the rights
conferred upon them by their bargain. Suppose, however, that
Whetmore had had concealed upon his person a revolver, and
that when he saw the defendants about to slaughter him he had
shot them to death in order to save his own life. My brother's
reasoning applied to these facts would make Whetmore out to be
a murderer, since the excuse of self-defense would have to be denied
to him. If his assailants were acting rightfully in seeking to
bring about his death, then of course he could no more plead the
excuse that he was defending his own life than could a condemned
prisoner who struck down the executioner lawfully attempting
to place the noose about his neck.
All of these considerations make it impossible for me to accept
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the first part of my brother's argument. I can neither accept his
notion that these men were under a code of nature which this
Court was bound to apply to them, nor can I accept the odious
and perverted rules that he would read into that code. I come
now to the second part of my brother's opinion, in which he
seeks to show that the defendants did not violate the provisions
of N. C. S. A. (N. S.) § 12-A. Here the way, instead of
being clear, becomes for me misty and ambiguous, though my
brother seems unaware of the difficulties that inhere in his
demonstrations.
The gist of my brother's argument may be stated in the following
terms: No statute, whatever its language, should be applied
in a way that contradicts its purpose. One of the purposes
of any criminal statute is to deter. The application of the statute
making it a crime to kill another to the peculiar facts of this case
would contradict this purpose, for it is impossible to believe that
the contents of the criminal code could operate in a deterrent
manner on men faced with the alternative of life or death. The
reasoning by which this exception is read into the statute is, my
brother observes, the same as that which is applied in order to
provide the excuse of self-defense.
On the face of things this demonstration seems very convincing
indeed. My brother's interpretation of the rationale of the excuse
of self-defense is in fact supported by a decision of this court,
Commonwealth v. Parry, a precedent I happened to encounter
in my research on this case. Though Commonwealth v. Parry
seems generally to have been overlooked in the texts and subsequent
decisions, it supports unambiguously the interpretation my
brother has put upon the excuse of self-defense.
Now let me outline briefly, however, the perplexities that assail
me when I examine my brother's demonstration more closely. It
is true that a statute should be applied in the light of its purpose,
and that one of the purposes of criminal legislation is recognized
to be deterrence. The difficulty is that other purposes are also
ascribed to the law of crimes. It has been said that one of its
objects is to provide an orderly outlet for the instinctive human
demand for retribution. Commonwealth v. Scape. It has also been
said that its object is the rehabilitation of the wrongdoer. Commonwealth
v. Makeover. Other theories have been propounded.
Assuming that we must interpret a statute in the light of its
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purpose, what are we to do when it has many purposes or when
its purposes are disputed?
A similar difficulty is presented by the fact that although there
is authority for my brother's interpretation of the excuse of selfdefense,
there is other authority which assigns to that excuse a
different rationale. Indeed, until I happened on Commonwealth
v. Parry I had never heard of the explanation given by my brother.
The taught doctrine of our law schools, memorized by generations
of law students, runs in the following terms: The statute concerning
murder requires a "willful" act. The man who acts to
repel an aggressive threat to his own life does not act "willfully,"
but in response to an impulse deeply ingrained in human nature.
I suspect that there is hardly a lawyer in this Commonwealth who
is not familiar with this line of reasoning, especially since the point
is a great favorite of the bar examiners.
Now the familiar explanation for the excuse of self-defense
just expounded obviously cannot be applied by analogy to the
facts of this case. These men acted not only "willfully" but with
great deliberation and after hours of discussing what they should
do. Again we encounter a forked path, with one line of reasoning
leading us in one direction and another in a direction that is exactly
the opposite. This perplexity is in this case compounded,
as it were, for we have to set off one explanation, incorporated
in a virtually unknown precedent of this Court, against another
explanation, which forms a part of the taught legal tradition of
our law schools, but which, so far as I know, has never been
adopted in any judicial decision.
I recognize the relevance of the precedents cited by my brother
concerning the displaced "not" and the defendant who parked
overtime. But what are we to do with one of the landmarks of
our jurisprudence, which again my brother passes over in silence?
This is Commonwealth v. VaIjean. Though the case is somewhat
obscurely reported, it appears that the defendant was indicted
for the larceny of a loaf of bread, and offered as a defense that
he was in a condition approaching starvation. The court refused
to accept this defense. If hunger cannot justify the theft of
wholesome and natural food, how can it justify the killing and
eating of a man? Again, if we look at the thing in terms of deterrence,
is it likely that a man will starve to death to avoid a
jail sentence for the theft of a loaf of bread? My brother's
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demonstrations would compel us to overrule Commonwealth v.
Vatjean, and many other precedents that have been built on that
case.
Again, I have difficulty in saying that no deterrent effect whatever
could be attributed to a decision that these men were guilty
of murder. The stigma of the word "murderer" is such that it is
quite likely, I believe, that if these men had known that their act
was deemed by the law to be murder they would have waited for
a few days at least before carrying out their plan. During that
time some unexpected relief might have come. I realize that this
observation only reduces the distinction to a matter of degree,
and does not destroy it altogether. It is certainly true that the
element of deterrence would be less in this case than is normally
involved in the application of the criminal law.
There is still a further difficulty in my brother Foster's proposal
to read an exception into the statute to favor this case,
though again a difficulty not even intimated in his opinion. What
shall be the scope of this exception? Here the men cast lots
and the victim was himself originally a party to the agreement.
What would we have to decide if Whetmore had refused from
the beginning to participate in the plan? Would a majority be
permitted to overrule him? Or, suppose that no plan were adopted
at all and the others simply conspired to bring about Whetmore's
death, justifying their act by saying that he was in the weakest
condition. Or again, that a plan of selection was followed but
one based on a different justification than the one adopted here,
as if the others were atheists and insisted that Whetmore should
die because he was the only one who believed in an afterlife.
These illustrations could be multiplied, but enough have been
suggested to reveal what a quagmire of hidden difficulties my
brother's reasoning contains.
Of course I realize on reflection that I may be concerning
myself with a problem that will never arise, since it is unlikely
that any group of men will ever again be brought to commit the
dread act that was involved here. Yet, on still further reflection,
even if we are certain that no similar case will arise again, do
not the illustrations I have given show the lack of any coherent
and rational principle in the rule my brother proposes? Should
not the soundness of a principle be tested by the conclusions it
entails, without reference to the accidents of later litigational
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history? Still, if this is so, why is it that we of this Court so often
discuss the question whether we are likely to have later occasion
to apply a principle urged for the solution of the case before us?
Is this a situation where a line of reasoning not originally proper
has become sanctioned by precedent, so that we are permitted to
apply it and may even be under an obligation to do so?
The more I examine this case and think about it, the more
deeply I become involved. My mind becomes entangled in the
meshes of the very nets I throw out for my own rescue. I find
that almost every consideration that bears on the decision of the
case is counterbalanced by an opposing consideration leading in
the opposite direction. My brother Foster has not furnished to
me, nor can I discover for myself, any formula capable of resolving
the equivocations that beset me on all sides.
I have given this case the best thought of which I am capable.
I have scarcely slept since it was argued before us. When I feel
myself inclined to accept the view of my brother Foster, I am
repelled by a feeling that his arguments are intellectually unsound
and approach mere rationalization. On the other hand,
when I incline toward upholding the conviction, I am struck by
the absurdity of directing that these men be put to death when
their lives have been saved at the cost of the lives of ten heroic
workmen. It is to me a matter of regret that the Prosecutor saw
fit to ask for an indictment for murder. If we had a provision in
our statutes making it a crime to eat human flesh, that would have
been a more appropriate charge. If no other charge suited to the
facts of this case could be brought against the defendants, it
would have been wiser, I think, not to have indicted them at all.
Unfortunately, however, the men have been indicted and tried,
and we have therefore been drawn into this unfortunate affair.
Since I have been wholly unable to resolve the doubts that beset
me about the law of this case, I am with regret announcing a step
that is, I believe, unprecedented in the history of this tribunal.
I declare my withdrawal from the decision of this case.
KEEN, J. I should like to begin by setting to one side two questions
which are not before this Court.
The first of these is whether executive clemency should be
extended to these defendants if the conviction is affirmed. Under
our system of government, that is a question for the Chief Executive,
not for us. I therefore disapprove of that passage in
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the opinion of the Chief Justice in which he in effect gives instructions
to the Chief Executive as to what he should do in this
case and suggests that some impropriety will attach if these instructions
are not heeded. This is a confusion of governmental
functions - a confusion of which the judiciary should be the last
to be guilty. I wish to state that if I were the Chief Executive I
would go farther in the direction of clemency than the pleas addressed
to him propose. I would pardon these men altogether,
since I believe that they have already suffered enough to pay for
any offense they may have committed. I want it to be understood
that this remark is made in my capacity as a private citizen who
by the accident of his office happens to have acquired an intimate
acquaintance with the facts of this case. In the discharge of my
duties as judge, it is neither my function to address directions
to the Chief Executive, nor to take into account what he may or
may not do, in reaching my own decision, which must be controlled
entirely by the law of this Commonwealth.
The second question that I wish to put to one side is that of
deciding whether what these men did was "right" or "wrong,"
"wicked" or "good." That is also a question that is irrelevant to
the discharge of my office as a judge sworn to apply, not my conceptions
of morality, but the law of the land. In putting this
question to one side I think I can also safely dismiss without
comment the first and more poetic portion of my brother Foster's
opinion. The element of fantasy contained in the arguments developed
there has been sufficiently revealed in my brother Tatting's
somewhat solemn attempt to take those arguments seriously.
The sole question before us for decision is whether these defendants
did, within the meaning of N. C. S. A. (N. s.) § 12-A,
willfully take the life of Roger Whetmore. The exact language of
the statute is as follows: "Whoever shall willfully take the life
of another shall be punished by death." Now I should suppose
that any candid observer, content to extract from these words
their natural meaning, would concede at once that these defendants
did "willfully take the life" of Roger Whetmore.
Whence arise all the difficulties of the case, then, and the
necessity for so many pages of discussion about what ought to
be so obvious? The difficulties, in whatever tortured form they
may present themselves, all trace back to a single source, and that
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is a failure to distinguish the legal from the moral aspects of this
case. To put it bluntly, my brothers do not like the fact that the
written law requires the conviction of these defendants. Neither
do I, but unlike my brothers I respect the obligations of an office
that requires me to put my personal predilections out of my mind
when I come to interpret and apply the law of this Commonwealth.
Now, of course, my brother Foster does not admit that he is
actuated by a personal dislike of the written law. Instead he
develops a familiar line of argument according to which the court
may disregard the express language of a statute when something
not contained in the statute itself, called its "purpose," can be
employed to justify the result the court considers proper. Because
this is an old issue between myself and my colleague, I
should like, before discussing his particular application of the
argument to the facts of this case, to say something about the
historical background of this issue and its implications for law
and government generally.
There was a time in this. Commonwealth when judges did in
fact legislate very freely, and all of us know that during that
period some of our statutes were rather thoroughly made over by
the judiciary. That was a time when the accepted principles of
political science did not designate with any certainty the rank
and function of the various arms of the state. We all know the
tragic issue of that uncertainty in the brief civil war that arose
out of the conflict between the judiciary, on the one hand, and
the executive and the legislature, on the other. There is no need
to recount here the factors that contributed to that unseemly
struggle for power, though they included the unrepresentative
character of the Chamber, resulting from a division of the country
into election districts that no longer accorded with the actual
distribution of the population, and the forceful personality and
wide popular following of the then Chief Justice. It is enough
to observe that those days are behind us, and that in place of the
uncertainty that then reigned we now have a clear-cut principle,
which is the supremacy of the legislative branch of our government.
From that principle flows the obligation of the judiciary
to enforce faithfully the written law, and to interpret that law
in accordance with its plain meaning without reference to our
personal desires or our individual conceptions of justice. I am
not concerned with the question whether the principle that for-
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bids the judicial revision of statutes is right or wrong, desirable
or undesirable; I observe merely that this principle has become a
tacit premise underlying the whole of the legal and governmental
order I am sworn to administer.
Yet though the principle of the supremacy of the legislature
has been accepted in theory for centuries, such is the tenacity
of professional tradition and the force of fixed habits of thought
that many of the judiciary have still not accommodated themselves
to the restricted role which the new order imposes on them.
My brother Foster is one of that group; his way of dealing with
statutes is exactly that of a judge living in the 3900's.
We are all familiar with the process by which the judicial reform
of disfavored legislative enactments is accomplished. Anyone
who has followed the written opinions of Mr. Justice Foster
will have had an opportunity to see it at work in every branch
of the law. I am personally so familiar with the process that in
the event of my brother's incapacity I am sure I could write a
satisfactory opinion for him without any prompting whatever,
beyond being informed whether he liked the effect of the terms
of the statute as applied to the case before him.
The process of judicial reform requires three steps. The first
of these is to divine some single "purpose" which the statute
serves. This is done although not one statute in a hundred has
any such single purpose, and although the objectives of nearly
every statute are differently interpreted by the different classes
of its sponsors. The second step is to discover that a mythical
being called "the legislator," in the pursuit of this imagined "purpose,"
overlooked something or left some gap or imperfection in
his work. Then comes the final and most refreshing part of the
task, which is, of course, to fill in the blank thus created. Quod
erat faciendum.
My brother Foster's penchant for finding holes in statutes reminds
one of the story told by an ancient author about the man
who ate a pair of shoes. Asked how he liked them, he replied
that the part he liked best was the holes. That is the way my
brother feels about statutes; the more holes they have in them
the better he likes them. In short, he doesn't like statutes.
One could not wish for a better case to illustrate the specious
nature of this gap-filling process than the one before us. My
brother thinks he knows exactly what was sought when men made
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murder a crime, and that was something he calls "deterrence."
My brother Tatting has already shown how much is passed over
in that interpretation. But I think the trouble goes deeper. I
doubt very much whether our statute making murder a crime
really has a "purpose" in any ordinary sense of the term. Primarily,
such a statute reflects a deeply-felt human conviction that
murder is wrong and that something should be done to the man
who commits it. If we were forced to be more articulate about
the matter, we would probably take refuge in the more sophisticated
theories of the criminologists, which, of course, were certainly
not in the minds of those who drafted our statute. We
might also observe that men will do their own work more effectively
and live happier lives if they are protected against the
threat of violent assault. Bearing in mind that the victims of
murders are often unpleasant people, we might add some suggestion
that the matter of disposing of undesirables is not a function
sited to private enterprise, but should be a state monopoly. All
of which reminds me of the attorney who once argued before us
-that a statute licensing physicians was a good thing because it
would lead to lower life insurance rates by lifting the level
of general health. There is such a thing as overexplaining the
obvious.
If we do not know the purpose of § 12-A, how can we possibly
say there is a "gap" in it? How can we know what its draftsmen
thought about the question of killing men in order to eat them?
My brother Tatting has revealed an understandable, though perhaps
slightly exaggerated revulsion to cannibalism. How do we
know that his remote ancestors did not feel the same revulsion to
an even higher degree? Anthropologists say that the dread felt
for a forbidden act may be increased by the fact that the conditions
of a tribe's life create special temptations toward it, as
incest is most severely condemned among those whose village relations
make it most likely to occur. Certainly the period following
the Great Spiral was one that had implicit in it temptations to
anthropophagy. Perhaps it was for that very reason that our
ancestors expressed their prohibition in so broad and unqualified
a form. All of this is conjecture, of course, but it remains abundantly
clear that neither I nor my brother Foster knows what the
"purpose" of § 12-A is.
Considerations similar to those I have just outlined are also
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applicable to the exception in favor of self-defense, which plays
so large a role in the reasoning of my brothers Foster and Tatting.
It is of course true that in Commonwealth v. Parry an
obiter dictum justified this exception on the assumption that the
purpose of criminal legislation is to deter. It may well also be
true that generations of law students have been taught that the
true explanation of the exception lies in the fact that a man who
acts in self-defense does not act "willfully," and that the same
students have passed their bar examinations by repeating what
their professors told them. These last observations I could dismiss,
of course, as irrelevant for the simple reason that professors
and bar examiners have not as yet any commission to make our
laws for us. But again the real trouble lies deeper. As in dealing
with the statute, so in dealing with the exception, the question is
not the conjectural purpose of the rule, but its scope. Now the
scope of the exception in favor of self-defense as it has been
applied by this Court is plain: it applies to cases of resisting an
aggressive threat to the party's own life. It is therefore too clear
for argument that this case does not fall within the scope of the
exception, since it is plain that Whetmore made no threat against
the lives of these defendants.
The essential shabbiness of my brother Foster's attempt to
cloak his remaking of the written law with an air of legitimacy
comes tragically to the surface in my brother Tatting's opinion. In
that opinion Justice Tatting struggles manfully to combine his
colleague's loose moralisms with his own sense of fidelity to the
written law. The issue of this struggle could only be that which
occurred, a complete default in the discharge of the judicial
function. You simply cannot apply a statute as it is written and
remake it to meet your own wishes at the same time.
Now I know that the line of reasoning I have developed in
this opinion will not be acceptable to those who look only to the
immediate effects of a decision and ignore the long-run implications
of an assumption by the judiciary of a power of dispensation.
A hard decision is never a popular decision. judges have been
celebrated in literature for their sly prowess in devising some
quibble by which a litigant could be deprived of his rights where
the public thought it was wrong for him to assert those rights.
But I believe that judicial dispensation does more harm in the
long run than hard decisions. Hard cases may even have a certain
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moral value by bringing home to the people their own responsibilities
toward the law that is ultimately their creation, and by reminding
them that there is no principle of personal grace that can
relieve the mistakes of their representatives.
Indeed, I will go farther and say that not only are the principles
I have been expounding those which are soundest for our
present conditions, but that we would have inherited a better
legal system from our forefathers if those principles had been
observed from the beginning. For example, with respect to the
excuse of self-defense, if our courts had stood steadfast on the
language of the statute the result would undoubtedly have been
a legislative revision of it. Such a revision would have drawn
on the assistance of natural philosophers and psychologists, and
the resulting regulation of the matter would have had an understandable
and rational basis, instead of the hodgepodge of verbalisms
and metaphysical distinctions that have emerged from the
judicial and professorial treatment.
These concluding remarks are, of course, beyond any duties
that I have to discharge with relation to this case, but I include
them here because I feel deeply that my colleagues are insufficiently
aware of the dangers implicit in the conceptions of the
judicial office advocated by my brother Foster.
I conclude that the conviction should be affirmed.
HANDY, J. I have listened with amazement .to the tortured
ratiocinations to which this simple case has given rise. I never
cease to wonder at my colleagues' ability to throw an obscuring
curtain of legalisms about every issue presented to them for decision.
We have heard this afternoon learned disquisitions on the
distinction between positive law and the law of nature, the language
of the statute and the purpose of the statute, judicial functions
and executive functions, judicial legislation and legislative
legislation. My only disappointment was that someone did not
raise the question of the legal nature of the bargain struck in the
cave - whether it was unilateral or bilateral, and whether Whetmore
could not be considered as having revoked an offer prior to
action taken thereunder.
What have all these things to do with the case? The problem
before us is what we, as officers of the government, ought to do
with these defendants. That is a question of practical wisdom,
to be exercised in a context, not of abstract theory, but of human
1949]
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realities. 'When the case is approached in this light, it becomes,
I think, one of the easiest to decide that has ever been argued
before this Court.
Before stating my own conclusions about the merits of the
case, I should like to discuss briefly some of the more fundamental
issues involved- issues on which my colleagues and I have
been divided ever since I have been on the bench.
I have never been able to make my brothers see that government
is a human affair, and that men are ruled, not by words on
paper or by abstract theories, but by other men. They are ruled
well when their rulers understand the feelings and conceptions
of the masses. They are ruled badly when that understanding is
lacking.
Of all branches of the government, the judiciary is the most
likely to lose its contact with the common man. The reasons for
this are, of course, fairly obvious. Where the masses react to
a situation in terms of a few salient features, we pick into little
pieces every situation presented to us. Lawyers are hired by both
sides to analyze and dissect. Judges and attorneys vie with one
another to see who can discover the greatest number of difficulties
and distinctions in a single set of facts. Each side tries
to find cases, real or imagined, that will embarrass the demonstrations
of the other side. To escape this embarrassment, still
further distinctions are invented and imported into the situation.
When a set of facts has been subjected to this kind of
treatment for a sufficient time, all the life and juice have gone
out of it and we have left a handful of dust.
Now I realize that wherever you have rules and abstract principles
lawyers are going to be able to make distinctions. To some
extent the sort of thing I have been describing is a necessary
evil attaching to any formal regulation of human affairs. But I
think that the area which really stands in need of such regulation
is greatly overestimated. There are, of course, a few fundamental
rules of the game that must be accepted if the game is to
go on at all. I would include among these the rules relating to the
conduct of elections, the appointment of public officials, and the
term during which an office is held. Here some restraint on
discretion and dispensation, some adherence to form, some scruple
for what does and what does not fall within the rule, is, I concede,
essential. Perhaps the area of basic principle should be
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expanded to include certain other rules, such as those designed to
preserve the free civilmoign system.
But outside of these fields I believe that all government officials,
including judges, will do their jobs best if they treat forms
and abstract concepts as instruments. We should take as our
model, I think, the good administrator, who accommodates procedures
and principles to the case at hand, selecting from among
the available forms those most suited to reach the proper result.
The most obvious advantage of this method of government is
that it permits us to go about our daily tasks with efficiency
and common sense. My adherence to this philosophy has, however,
deeper roots. I believe that it is only with the insight this
philosophy gives that we can preserve the flexibility essential
if we are to keep our actions in reasonable accord with the sentiments
of those subject to our rule. More governments have been
wrecked, and more human misery caused, by the lack of this
accord between ruler and ruled than by any other factor that
can be discerned in history. Once drive a sufficient wedge between
the mass of people and those who direct their legal, political, and
economic life, and our society is ruined. Then neither Foster's
law of nature nor Keen's fidelity to written law will avail us anything.
Now when these conceptions are applied to the case before us,
its decision becomes, as I have said, perfectly easy. In order to
demonstrate this I shall have to introduce certain realities that
my brothers in their coy decorum have seen fit to pass over
in silence, although they are just as acutely aware of them as
I am.
The first of these is that this case has aroused an enormous
public interest, both here and abroad. Almost every newspaper
and magazine has carried articles about it; columnists have shared
with their readers confidential information as to the next governmental
move; hundreds of letters-to-the-editor have been printed.
One of the great newspaper chains made a poll of public opinion
on the question, "What do you think the Supreme Court should do
with the Speluncean explorers?" About ninety per cent expressed
a belief that the defendants should be pardoned or let off with a
kind of token punishment. It is perfectly clear, then, how the
public feels about the case. We could have known this without
the poll, of course, on the basis of common sense, or even by ob-
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serving that on this Court there are apparently four-and-a-half
men, or ninety per cent, who share the common opinion.
This makes it obvious, not only what we should do, but what
we must do if we are to preserve between ourselves and public
opinion a reasonable and decent accord. Declaring these men innocent
need not involve us in any undignified quibble or trick. No
principle of statutory construction is required that is not consistent
with the past practices of this Court. Certainly no layman
would think that in letting these men off we had stretched the
statute any more than our ancestors did when they created the
excuse of self-defense. If a more detailed demonstration of the
method of reconciling our decision with the statute is required,
I should be content to rest on the arguments developed in the
second and less visionary part of my brother Foster's opinion.
Now I know that my brothers will be horrified by my suggestion
that this Court should take account of public opinion. They
will tell you that public opinion is emotional and capricious, that
it is based on half-truths and listens to witnesses who are not
subject to cross-examination. They will tell you that the law surrounds
the trial of a case like this with elaborate safeguards,
designed to insure that the truth will be known and that every
rational consideration bearing on the issues of the case has been
taken into account. They will warn you that all of these safeguards
go for naught if a mass opinion formed outside this framework
is allowed to have any influence on our decision.
But let us look candidly at some of the realities of the administration
of our criminal law. When a man is accused of crime,
there are, speaking generally, four ways in which he may escape
punishment. One of these is a determination by a judge that under
the applicable law he has committed no crime. This is, of
course, a determination that takes place in a rather formal and
abstract atmosphere. But look at the other three ways in which
he may escape punishment. These are: (i) a decision by the
Prosecutor not to ask for an indictment; (2) an acquittal by the
jury; (3) a pardon or commutation of sentence by the executive.
Can anyone pretend that these decisions are held within a rigid
and formal framework of rules that prevents factual error, ex-
•cludes emotional and personal factors, and guarantees that all
the forms of the law will be observed?
In the case of the jury we do, to be sure, attempt to cabin
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THE SPELUNCEAN EXPLORERS
their deliberations within the area of the legally relevant, but
there is no need to deceive ourselves into believing that this
attempt is really successful. In the normal course of events the
case now before us would have gone on all of its issues directly
to the jury. Had this occurred we can be confident that there
would have been an acquittal or at least a division that would
have prevented a conviction. If the jury had been instructed
that the men's hunger and their agreement were no defense to
the charge of murder, their verdict would in all likelihood have
ignored this instruction and would have involved a good deal more
twisting of the letter of the law than any that is likely to tempt
us. Of course the only reason that didn't occur in this case was
the fortuitous circumstance that the foreman of the jury happened
to be a lawyer. His learning enabled him to devise a form
of words that would allow the jury to dodge its usual responsibilities.
My brother Tatting expresses annoyance that the Prosecutor
did not, in effect, decide the case for him by not asking for an
indictment. Strict as he is himself in complying with the demands
of legal theory, he is quite content to have the fate of
these men decided out of court by the Prosecutor on the basis of
common sense. The Chief Justice, on the other hand, wants the
application of common sense postponed to the very end, though
like Tatting, he wants no personal part in it.
This brings me to the concluding portion of my remarks, which
has to do with executive clemency. Before discussing that topicdirectly,
I want to make a related observation about the poll of
public opinion. As I have said, ninety per cent of the people
wanted the Supreme Court to let the men off entirely or with a
more or less nominal punishment. The ten per cent constituted a
very oddly assorted group, with th6 most curious and divergent
opinions. One of our university experts has made a study of
this group and has found that its members fall into certain patterns.
A substantial portion of them are subscribers to "crank"
newspapers of limited circulation that gave their readers a distorted
version of the facts of the case. Some thought that "Speluncean"
means "cannibal" and that anthropophagy is a tenet of
the Society. But the point I want to make, however, is this:
although almost every conceivable variety and shade of opinion
was represented in this group, there was, so far as I know, not
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one of them, nor a single member of the majority of ninety per
cent, who said, "I think it would be a fine thing to have the
courts sentence these men to be hanged, and then to have another
branch of the government come along and pardon them." Yet
this is a solution that has more or less dominated our discussions
and which our Chief Justice proposes as a way by which we can
avoid doing an injustice and at the same time preserve respect
for law. He can be assured that if he is preserving anybody's
morale, it is his own, and not the public's, which knows nothing
of his distinctions. I mention this matter because I wish to emphasize
once more the danger that we may get lost in the patterns
of our own thought and forget that these patterns often cast not
the slightest shadow on the outside world.
I come now to the most crucial fact in this case, a fact known
to all of us on this Court, though one that my brothers have seen
fit to keep under the cover of their judicial robes. This is the
frightening likelihood that if the issue is left to him, the Chief
Executive will refuse to pardon these men or commute their
sentence. As we all know, our Chief Executive is a man now
well advanced in years, of very stiff notions. Public clamor usually
operates on him with the reverse of the effect intended. As
I have told my brothers, it happens that my wife's niece is an intimate
friend of his secretary. I have learned in this indirect, but,
I think, wholly reliable way, that he is firmly determined not to
commute the sentence if these men are found to have violated
the law.
No one regrets more than I the necessity for relying in so
important a matter on information that could be characterized as
gossip. If I had my way this would not happen, for I would adopt
the sensible course of sitting down with the Executive, going over
the case with him, finding out what his views are, and perhaps
working out with him a common program for handling the situation.
But of course my brothers would never hear of such a thing.
Their scruple about acquiring accurate information directly
does not prevent them from being very perturbed about what they
have learned indirectly. Their acquaintance with the facts I
have just related explains why the Chief Justice, ordinarily a
model of decorum, saw fit in his opinion to flap his judicial robes
in the face of the Executive and threaten him with excommunication
if he failed to commute the sentence. It explains, I suspect,
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my brother Foster's feat of levitation by which a whole library
of law books was lifted from the shoulders of these defendants.
It explains also why even my legalistic brother Keen emulated
Pooh-Bah in the ancient comedy by stepping to the other side
of the stage to address a few remarks to the Executive "in my
capacity as a private citizen." (I may remark, incidentally, that
the advice of Private Citizen Keen will appear in the reports of
this court printed at taxpayers' expense.)
I must confess that as I grow older I become more and more
perplexed at men's refusal to apply their common sense to problems
of law and government, and this truly tragic case has deepened
my sense of discouragement and dismay. I only wish that
I could convince my brothers of the wisdom of the principles I
have applied to the judicial office since I first assumed it. As a
matter of fact, by a kind of sad rounding of the circle, I encountered
issues like those involved here in the very first case I tried
as Judge of the Court of General Instances in Fanleigh County.
A religious sect had unfrocked a minister who, they said, had
gone over to the views and practices of a rival sect. The minister
circulated a handbill making charges against the authorities who
had expelled him. Certain lay members of the church announced
a public meeting at which they proposed to explain the position
of the church. The minister attended this meeting. Some said he
slipped in unobserved in a disguise; his own testimony was that
he had walked in openly as a member of the public. At any rate,
when the speeches began he interrupted with certain questions
about the affairs of the church and made some statements in defense
of his own views. He was set upon by members of the
audience and given a pretty thorough pommeling, receiving among
other injuries a broken jaw. He brought a suit for damages
against the association that sponsored the meeting and against
ten named individuals who he alleged were his assailants.
When we came to the trial, the case at first seemed very complicated
to me. The attorneys raised a host of legal issues. There
were nice questions on the admissibility of evidence, and, in connection
with the suit against the association, some difficult problems
turning on the question whether the minister was a trespasser
or a licensee. As a novice on the bench I was eager to apply my
law school learning and I began studying these questions closely,
reading all the authorities and preparing well-documented rulings.
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As I studied the case I became more and more involved in its legal
intricacies and I began to get into a state approaching that of my
brother Tatting in this case. Suddenly, however, it dawned on
me that all these perplexing issues really had nothing to do with
the case, and I began examining it in the light of common sense.
The case at once gained a new perspective, and I saw that the
only thing for me to do was to direct a verdict for the defendants
for lack of evidence.
I was led to this conclusion by the following considerations.
The melee in which the plaintiff was injured had been a very
confused affair, with some people trying to get to the center of
.the disturbance, while others were trying to get away from it;
some striking at the plaintiff, while others were apparently trying
to protect him. It would have taken weeks to find out the truth
of the matter. I decided that nobody's broken jaw was worth that
much to the Commonwealth. (The minister's injuries, incidentally,
had meanwhile healed without disfigurement and without
any impairment of normal faculties.) Furthermore, I felt very
strongly that the plaintiff had to a large extent brought the thing
on himself. He knew how inflamed passions were about the affair,
and could easily have found another forum for the expression of
his views. My decision was widely approved by the press and
public opinion, neither of which could tolerate the views and
practices that the expelled minister was attempting to defend.
Now, thirty years later, thanks to an ambitious Prosecutor
and a legalistic jury foreman, I am faced with a case that raises
issues which are at bottom much like those involved in that case.
The world does not seem to change much, except that this time
it is not a question of a judgment for five or six hundred frelars,
but of the life or death of four men who have already suffered
more torment and humiliation than most of us would endure in
a thousand years. I conclude that the defendants are innocent
of the crime charged, and that the conviction and sentence should
be set aside.
TATTING, J. I have been asked by the Chief Justice whether,
after listening to the two opinions just rendered, I desire to reexamine
the position previously taken by me. I wish to state
that after hearing these opinions I am greatly strengthened in
my conviction that I ought not to participate in the decision of
this case.
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The Supreme Court being evenly divided, the conviction and
sentence of the Court of General Instances is affirmed. It is
ordered that the execution of the sentence shall occur at 6 A.M.,
Friday, April 2, 43oo, at which time the Public Executioner is
directed to proceed with all convenient dispatch to hang each of
the defendants by the neck until he is dead.
POSTSCRIPT
Now that the court has spoken its judgment, the reader puzzled
by the choice of date may wish to be reminded that the centuries
which separate us from the year 43oo are roughly equal to those
that have passed since the Age of Pericles. There is probably no
need to observe that the Speluncean Case itself is intended neither
as a work of satire nor as a prediction in any ordinary sense of
the term. As for the judges who make up Chief Justice Truepenny's
court, they are, of course, as mythical as the facts and
precedents with which they deal. The reader who refuses to
accept this view, and who seeks to trace out contemporary resemblances
where none is intended or contemplated, should be
warned that he is engaged in a frolic of his own, which may possibly
lead him to miss whatever modest truths are contained in
the opinions delivered by the Supreme Court of Newgarth. The
case was constructed for the sole purpose of bringing into a common
focus certain divergent philosophies of law and government.
These philosophies presented men with live questions of choice in
the days of Plato and Aristotle. Perhaps they will continue to
do so when our era has had its say about them. If there is any
element of prediction in the case, it does not go beyond a suggestion
that the questions involved are among the permanent problems
of the human race.
Lon L. Fuller.*
* Carter Professor of General jurisprudence, Harvard Law School.
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A Judgement

VERDICT ON THE CASE OF THE SPELUNCEAN EXPLORERS

Projwaladitya Gopalkrishna, J.

This unfortunate case is one of those great cases which have raised a lot of great debates regarding an interesting, yet fundamental question that has been asked since the beginning of human civilization, for which a single, clear and tautological answer has, so far, not been given. I have come to such a conclusion because of two reasons- firstly; the nature of the act committed by the defendants and secondly, because of the different verdicts passed by my brother judges and the reasons and principles they have cited for their decisions. Now, it is my turn, not only to decide the fate of the defendants but also to express my view not only on the case itself, but also on that hidden but fundamental question upon which my brother judges have been debating about - what is the nature and purpose of law?

Before I proceed, I would like to tell you that not only my verdict will be quite informal in structure, but that it would also be based two opposite viewpoints, which might be confusing, but in the end they will be reconciled by my judgement.

Now, as my brother judge Truepenny has already mentioned the summary of the case in his verdict therefore I do not believe that I should recite it again.

Now, I shall start with my personal view on this case. I personally believe that the defendants are not guilty for the act they have committed, for several reasons. Firstly, as a result of their isolation, the defendant and the victim (Mr. Whetmore) were beyond the jurisdiction of our positive laws, both physically and legally. They were in essence free from the laws of our society and they were in a state of nature. Therefore, these individuals in effect were members of their own society, which was free from the Commonwealth.
Secondly, they were in such a condition, where they did not have any food left and they (even the rescue team) did not know when they would be rescued, due to which they, in order to survive in this state of nature, they had to kill someone among themselves and consume his corpse. Otherwise, all of them would have died. Although I personally condemn cannibalism, yet, considering the circumstances, they had no other option. In order to ensure that nobody was either arbitrarily or maliciously selected, they (the defendants and the victim) came into a logical agreement, wherein one would lose his life on the basis of the throw of a dice. The dice went against the victim’s favour, due to which he had to be killed and eaten by his fellow explorers. Although he had dithered over whether he should gamble on his life or not, in the end it should be noted that the victim had voluntary given up his life for the survival of his fellow explorers on the basis of the contract form by the members of this “society” that was isolated in the cavern.
Therefore, from this point, it can be inferred that I believe that when a group of people are beyond the control of the laws of civilization, they are free to form themselves into a new society and create their own laws, so long as these laws are reasonable at that place and time and that they are created within the framework of certain natural principles that have existed before the arrival of mankind.

Now that I have expressed my personal view on this, I would like to speak as an agent of the law on this matter. As a judge, although I personally exonerate the defendants for murder, yet I should condemn them on the basis of the N.C.S.A. (N.S.) Sec. 12-A. As an agent of the law, I believe that I should implement the letter of the law(the positive law of our nation),regardless of the circumstances. Since they were in a cave that is within the boundaries of our Commonwealth, they were still governed by our laws and statutes. I believe that regardless of the location, the laws of our Commonwealth prevail in every part of the Commonwealth, including the deepest and most isolated of caverns.
Secondly, I condemn them, because if I pardoned them, then I’m going against the principles that I (as an agent of the law) believe in- that every one is equal in the eyes of law; that all laws are applicable to everyone for everyone; and that no murder, regardless of the circumstances, shall go unpunished. If I go against this principle, then I am setting a bad precedent that would allow such acts that will be committed in the future to be justified with my judgement serving as the precedent. I believe that this Section of the NCSA is created on a reasonable principle, i.e, to deter anyone from committing murder, regardless of the circumstances in which it is committed, and I believe that I would be going against this principle if I exonerate them.
Finally, the contract between the defendants and the victim was, as per our statutes, illegal (and it doesn’t require a deep knowledge about contract law to explain this) and regardless of the victim’s consent, they were not justified in killing him.
Therefore, as an agent of the law, I believe that the defendants have disobeyed the law and therefore, they are guilty under Section 12 of the NCSA.

Now I believe that my two viewpoints (one as a citizen, the other as an agent of the law) have been declared by me, are in conflict with each other, which is confusing. In order to resolve the confusion I would like to pass the following judgements, the first one considering the fate of the defendants and the second one considering the N.C.S.A. (N.S.) Sec-12.

(I) I declare that the defendants are guilty of murder as per Sec 12 of the N.C.S.A. (N.S.) but their sentence should be commuted to sentence of eight years imprisonment. They should also pay a compensation of 6,000 frelars each to Mr. Whitmore’s next of kin. I have come to this decision after taking the above two conclusions into consideration. The defendants had committed murder due to which they are guilty under our positive law, but considering the circumstances they were in (which I have pointed out in my personal viewpoint), their sentences have been commuted. This insures that the principles of positive and natural law have not been violated, despite the conflict between them.

Since I have commuted the sentence, I have therefore gone against the punishment proscribed in the statute- that the minimum sentence should be death. I would like to say that I have ensured that they have been declared guilty of murder but I have also ensured that they will not receive an unnecessarily harsh punishment because of the circumstances in which they committed it. It should be noted that some acts of murder are not committed with malicious motives and that they sometimes occur out of necessity, this case being one of them. Laws like NCSA are created in order to deter people from resorting to murder for any reason, whether rational or irrational. But the type of punishment for various murders depends on several factors, the major ones being the circumstances it was committed in, the reason for committing the act of the and the past history of the accused .It should be noted that the defendants have not committed any criminal acts before this; that they have committed this act in the circumstances that have been mentioned before, which were beyond their control; and the reason for doing act was for their survival. I haven’t found any malicious intention among the defendants and it should also be noted that they have already pleaded guilty, which merits a reduction in the punishment to be given. The legislators, while framing the NSCA did not taken these points into consideration, due to which I consider Sec.-12 to be flawed due to which I declare the following rectification of the Section –

(II) The minimum punishment for murder as stated in Sec.12 of the NCSA should be reduced to five years imprisonment.

On the question which was being debated – what is the nature of law and purpose of law- I can only say that my judgement itself ,is in a way, an answer. It has taken two opposite viewpoints into consideration and the judgement is in a way, a reconciliation of the conflict between these two viewpoints. In the first viewpoint, I have concurred with my brother judge Foster that the defendants, being independent of society at that place and time, had committed an act that was not guilty according to their law that was formed by an agreement among themselves and the victim (which he considered was reasonable), due to which they are not guilty under the statute. Here, it appears that I believe that law is a product of social contracts and also that law is to be formed within the framework of reasoning, which is a natural law principle.
However, in the second viewpoint, I concur with the positive law view point which has been argued by my brother judge Keen, where I believe that the letter of the law should be obeyed regardless of the circumstances.

In the end, I gave a balanced judgement where the defendants have been punished as per the statute concerned (which I believe is a reasonable piece of legislation) but their sentences were commuted because of the circumstances in which they committed ( that is the absence of essential food supplies, which was threatening the survival of those trapped in the cave) this act, which I feel does not merit a death sentence. It is also balanced, because I have reconciled the principles of natural law and social contract with those of positivist principles regarding law. My understanding of the law is, I assume, a synthesis of several theories. I believe that the law is meant to ensure stability, peace and security so that man can develop his full potential. Laws are also meant to deter criminal and anti-social activities in order provide this stability. I also believe that I have followed realist approach by having this judgement and my review of the NCSA to be based upon my moral and legal views and also by.

My judgement shows that there are several viewpoints regarding the nature of law and that a single, objective answer can never be found, though a general consensus about this exists.





Projwaladitya Gopalkrishna
I.D. No.- 1743
First Year B.A. LLB (Hons)
National Law School of India University.